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Commentary · By Areeb Imran

Hague Guilty Verdict for Wartime Rebel Leaders and Former Kosovo President Hashim Thaçi

For many in Kosovo, Hashim Thaçi is more than a former president. He is a familiar figure from the country’s journey from war to independence, a former Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) commander who later became prime minister and president.

That history made the guilty verdict delivered in The Hague on September 16 especially difficult for Kosovo to absorb.

A panel of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers found Thaçi and three other former KLA leaders, Kadri Veseli, Rexhep Selimi and Jakup Krasniqi, guilty of war crimes including illegal or arbitrary arrest and detention, cruel treatment, torture and murder committed during the 1998–99 Kosovo conflict. Thaçi and Krasniqi were sentenced to 25 years in prison, Veseli to 18 years and Selimi to 13 years.

The ruling has reopened painful questions about Kosovo’s wartime past, its struggle for independence and the still-unresolved relationship with Serbia.

Inside the Hague Verdict

The case was not a judgment on whether Kosovo had a right to independence. It concerned the individual criminal responsibility of four former KLA leaders for crimes committed during the conflict.

The court found all four criminally responsible for arbitrary detention involving 385 people, cruel treatment involving 49, torture involving 303 and murder involving 96 people. At the same time, the judges found them not guilty of the charged crimes against humanity because the prosecution had not proved beyond reasonable doubt that the crimes formed part of a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population. The panel also found them not guilty in relation to several specific alleged war-crime incidents.

The distinction is important. The verdict does not establish that every allegation made during the trial was proven. It establishes the findings for which the judges concluded there was sufficient evidence under the criminal standard of proof.

The trial began in April 2023 and dealt with events between March 1998 and September 1999 in Kosovo and northern Albania. The court recorded 156 participating victims.

Hashim Thaçi: From KLA Commander to President

Thaçi’s career mirrors much of Kosovo’s modern political history.

He emerged as one of the leading figures of the KLA, the ethnic Albanian guerrilla movement that fought Serbian and Yugoslav forces during the Kosovo conflict. After the war, he moved from the battlefield into politics and became one of the most prominent figures in Kosovo’s post-war political order.

He later served as Kosovo’s prime minister and president. In 2020, he resigned as president after being indicted by the Specialist Chambers and travelled to The Hague to face the charges.

For many in Kosovo, his wartime role is closely connected with the struggle that ultimately led to independence. For the court, however, the question was narrower: whether Thaçi and his co-defendants bore individual criminal responsibility for crimes committed during the war.

That difference between historical legacy and individual criminal liability is central to understanding why the verdict has produced such a strong reaction.

The KLA: From Guerrilla Force to National Symbol

The KLA emerged in the 1990s as an armed movement seeking to end Serbian control over Kosovo. Its rise came after years of political tension and growing demands among Kosovo Albanians for greater self-determination.

The conflict escalated sharply in 1998. Fighting between KLA forces and Serbian and Yugoslav forces was accompanied by widespread displacement and serious allegations of abuses against civilians.

NATO launched an air campaign against Yugoslavia in March 1999. The conflict ended later that year after Yugoslav forces withdrew from Kosovo and an international presence entered the territory.

More than 13,000 people were killed during the conflict, according to figures cited in recent reporting.

For many Kosovars, the KLA remains inseparable from the story of resistance and independence. That is one reason the Hague proceedings have been viewed by many in Kosovo through a much broader historical lens than a conventional criminal case.

How Kosovo Went From War to Independence

The end of the war did not immediately settle Kosovo’s political status.

For years, Kosovo remained under an international administration while negotiations over its future continued. On February 17, 2008, Kosovo declared independence.

Serbia rejected the declaration and continues not to recognize Kosovo as an independent state. The dispute over status has remained one of the defining political questions in the Western Balkans.

The legacy of the war therefore lives on in two very different forms. In Kosovo, it is closely associated with liberation and statehood. In Serbia, the conflict remains part of a fundamentally different national and political narrative.

The Hague verdict has landed directly in the middle of that unresolved history.

Why the Verdict Has Hit Kosovo So Hard

The reaction in Kosovo has been immediate and politically significant. Thousands of people have protested against the convictions, while Kosovo’s parliament unanimously condemned the verdicts on September 28. All 99 lawmakers present supported a declaration expressing concern about the convictions and calling for a coordinated legal and institutional response.

The political reaction reflects a widespread concern that convictions of senior former KLA figures could damage the public memory of the war and the movement that many Kosovars associate with liberation.

At the same time, the court’s ruling is legally focused on specific crimes and individual responsibility. The judges did not rule on the legitimacy of Kosovo’s independence itself.

That distinction has become increasingly important as Kosovo debates what the verdict means for its history and institutions.

Why Serbia Still Does Not Recognize Kosovo

The war ended more than two decades ago, but the political dispute between Kosovo and Serbia has never fully disappeared.

Serbia continues to reject Kosovo’s independence, while Kosovo maintains its position as an independent state. The disagreement affects diplomacy, security, local governance and the lives of communities on both sides.

The most sensitive issues include the position of Kosovo’s Serb community, arrangements for self-management, the functioning of institutions in Serb-majority areas and the situation in northern Kosovo. These questions have made northern Kosovo and the integration of Kosovo Serbs into public institutions recurring points of tension.

The European Union has spent years trying to bring the two sides toward normalization. The current EU-facilitated Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue aims to achieve a comprehensive, legally binding normalization agreement addressing outstanding issues and supporting both sides’ European paths.

The Unfinished Dispute Beyond the Courtroom

The 2023 agreement on the path to normalization includes provisions concerning self-management arrangements for the Serbian community in Kosovo, protection of religious and cultural heritage, and implementation of previous dialogue agreements.

Implementation, however, remains a major issue. In August 2026, the EU criticized decisions concerning the resignations of Kosovo Serb judges and prosecutors and called for conditions that would support a multi-ethnic judiciary in line with Kosovo law and dialogue commitments.

EU officials have also continued to stress that normalization is important to the European future of both Kosovo and Serbia. In June, European Council President António Costa said full implementation of the Ohrid agreement remained important to the process.

These issues show why the Kosovo-Serbia relationship cannot be reduced to a single question of recognition. It also involves institutions, minority rights, security, local governance and the practical implementation of agreements already reached.

What Happens After the Verdict?

The September convictions do not close every legal chapter. Reparation proceedings for participating victims are already moving forward, with the Victims’ Counsel ordered to file a request by October 14, 2026. The defendants can also pursue the next stages of the judicial process.

Beyond the courtroom, the verdict has reopened a much older conversation about Kosovo’s war and its aftermath.

For Kosovo, Thaçi and the other former KLA leaders remain connected to a period that many citizens remember as a fight for survival and independence. For the court, their wartime roles did not place them beyond individual criminal accountability.

Both realities now sit side by side.

The Hague judgment addresses crimes committed during a specific period of war. It does not, by itself, settle Kosovo’s political status, erase the competing memories of the conflict or resolve the relationship between Pristina and Belgrade.

More than two decades after the fighting ended, Kosovo’s wartime past remains deeply tied to its present. The verdict has not created that unfinished history. It has simply brought it back into the spotlight.

About the Author

Areeb Imran, contributor at CASA MARGO Communications Group

Areeb Imran

Freelance Journalist · South Asia & Kashmir

A freelance journalist specializing in India-Pakistan relations and the regional impact of the Kashmir conflict, Areeb provides nuanced, on-the-ground analysis of South Asia's most complex geopolitical fault lines.